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The dining habits of David Lynch

Coffee entrepreneur David Lynch lets us in on his dining secrets:

You famously used to have a milk shake at Bob’s Big Boy almost every day for lunch—what do you eat for lunch now?

I have something called Dr. Bieler’s broth. It is parsley, zucchini, green beans and celery, and you cook it and then blend it into a thick, green soup. Dr. Bieler invented it as a kind of purifier, I think, in the 1960s. Then I have seven almonds with that.

Why seven?

Well, I like the number seven, and so, you know, it just seems like the right amount.

Via Food and Wine


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What white people like: farmers markets

Whiteness and Farmers Markets: Performances, Perpetuations … Contestations?

Alison Hope Alkon1, Christie Grace McCullen

Academics and activists highlight the potential for alternative agrifood movements to contribute to the evolving coalescence of justice and sustainability. This potential, however, is constrained by what scholars have identified as the prevalent whiteness of such movements. This paper uses ethnographic research at two northern California farmers markets to investigate how whiteness is performed and perpetuated through the movements’ discourses and practices. We found that many managers, vendors and customers hold notions of what farmers and community members should be that both reflect and inform an affluent, liberal habitus of whiteness. Although whiteness pervades these spaces, we have also witnessed individual discourses and acts of solidarity and anti-racism, as well as fledgling institutional efforts to contest white cultural dominance. We conclude by discussing the potential of farmers markets to create an anti-racist politics of food.

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Fat Politics

This paper explores the everyday politics and lived experiences of young people who identify as fat, obese or overweight. Situated within the emerging interdisciplinary fields of fat studies, critical weight studies and critical geographies of body size, this paper gives voice to young people who are often marginalised and frequently stigmatised. I draw attention to the embodied relationalities and intersectionalities evident with the young people's narratives of body size as well as the structures of constraint that operate to reinforce the marginalisation they feel. I conclude by outlining the challenges that exist in transforming the everyday politics of fat.

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